elections 1981 2eme tour

Résultat de l'élection présidentielle de 1981

Voir les résultats des élections présidentielles de la Vè République : 1965 - 1969 - 1974 - 1981 - 1988 - 1995 - 2002 - 2007 - 2012 - 2017 - 2022

Premier tour : 26 avril 1981

Deuxième tour : 10 mai 1981

A l'issue du second tour, François Mitterand est élu pour sept ans président de la République Française, avec 51,76% des suffrages exprimés. Il devient le premier président socialiste de la Vè République.

Sous ce mandat, trois Premiers ministres se sont succédés : Pierre Mauroy, Laurent Fabius et Jacques Chirac. Cliquez ici pour consulter le détail des Gouvernements .

* Noms complets des partis politiques : UDF : Union pour la Démocratie Française PS : Parti Socialiste, soutenu par le Parti Communiste RPR : Rassemble Pour la République PC : Parti Communiste MEP : Mouvement d'Ecologie Politique LO : Lutte Ouvrière MRG : Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche DVDg : Divers Droite Gaulliste PSU : Parti Socialiste Unifié

Sources : Décisions du Conseil Constitutionnel relatives à l'élection présidentielle

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Élection présidentielle en France : les résultats depuis 1965

Retrouvez les résultats et les taux d’abstention des élections présidentielles françaises sous la Ve République, de 1965 à 2017.

• Olivier Modez ,
• le 20/03/2012 à 17:24
• Modifié le 27/09/2021 à 08:30

Lecture en 4 min.

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► Résultats présidentielle 1965

La présidentielle de 1965 est la première à se dérouler au suffrage universel direct sous la Ve République. Six candidats sont présents sur la ligne de départ lors du premier tour. Le général de Gaulle, favori du scrutin, est surpris par le score de son adversaire de gauche, François Mitterrand, qui l’oblige à un second tour.

→ EN DIRECT. Résultats de la présidentielle 2022 : Emmanuel Macron réélu, les réactions et analyses au lendemain du 2nd tour

♦ Résultats du second tour :

- Charles de Gaulle (Union pour la nouvelle République – Union démocratique du travail) : 55,20 %

- François Mitterrand (Convention des institutions républicaines) : 44,80 %

Abstention : 15,68 %

► Résultats présidentielle 1969

Une élection présidentielle anticipée est organisée en juin 1969 après la démission de Charles de Gaulle. Sept candidats s’y présentent, dont cinq à gauche. L’ancien premier ministre Georges Pompidou et le président par intérim Alain Poher sont en tête du premier tour, marqué par une hausse de l’abstention, à 22,41 %.

→ À LIRE. Présidentielle 1969 : la surprise Alain Poher

- Georges Pompidou (Union des démocrates pour la République) : 58,21 %

- Alain Poher (Centre démocrate) : 41,79 %

Abstention : 31,15 %

► Résultats présidentielle 1974

Après le décès du président en exercice Georges Pompidou, une nouvelle élection présidentielle anticipée est organisée en mai 1974, avec une recrudescence du nombre de candidats : douze sont présents au premier tour. Le taux d’abstention (15,77 %) retrouve un niveau comparable à la présidentielle de 1965. Le 5 mai 1974, le socialiste François Mitterrand et l’ex-ministre centriste Valéry Giscard d’Estaing se qualifient nettement pour le second tour.

→ À LIRE. Présidentielle 1974 : Valéry Giscard d'Estaing sur le fil

- Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Fédération nationale des républicains indépendants) : 50,81 %

- François Mitterrand (Parti socialiste) : 49,19 %

Abstention : 12,67 %

► Résultats présidentielle 1981

L’élection présidentielle de 1981 ressemble à un remake du scrutin organisé en 1974. Le socialiste François Mitterrand, candidat pour la troisième fois sous la V e République, et le président sortant Valéry Giscard d’Estaing font partie des dix candidats sur la ligne de départ lors du premier tour, dont l’abstention atteint 18,91 %.

→ À LIRE. Présidentielle de mai 1981 : la victoire inattendue de Mitterrand

- François Mitterrand (Parti socialiste) : 51,76 %

- Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Union pour la démocratie française) : 48,24 %

Abstention : 14,15 %

► Résultats présidentielle 1988

Lors de la présidentielle de 1988, neuf candidats sont officiellement en lice au premier tour. Celui-ci connaît par ailleurs un taux d’abstention de 18,62 %. Le président sortant François Mitterrand et son premier ministre – pendant la cohabitation – de droite Jacques Chirac se qualifient pour le second tour, aux dépens du candidat de l’UDF Raymond Barre qui finit troisième.

- François Mitterrand (Parti socialiste) : 54,02 %

- Jacques Chirac (Rassemblement pour la République) : 45,98 %

Abstention : 15,94 %

► Résultats présidentielle 1995

En 1995, l’élection présidentielle regroupe une nouvelle fois neuf candidatures. Lionel Jospin est investi par le Parti socialiste, tandis qu’à droite, Jacques Chirac est une nouvelle fois candidat. Tous deux se qualifient avec une petite marge d’avance pour le second tour, et ce malgré les 18,58 % du premier ministre sortant Édouard Balladur et le score historique du candidat du Front national Jean-Marie Le Pen (15 %). Le taux d’abstention est par ailleurs en hausse, à 21,62 %

- Jacques Chirac (Rassemblement pour la République) : 52,64 %

- Lionel Jospin (Parti socialiste) : 47,36 %

Abstention : 20,34 %

► Résultats présidentielle 2002

Le premier tour de l’élection présidentielle de 2002 est marqué par le nombre élevé de candidatures – 16, un record – et par le score inattendu de Jean-Marie Le Pen (16,86 %) qui lui permet de devancer le socialiste Lionel Jospin et d’accéder au second tour face au président sortant Jacques Chirac. Le taux d’abstention marque lui aussi un record pour une présidentielle depuis 1965 en atteignant 28,40 %.

→ À LIRE. Présidentielle 2002 : le séisme Jean-Marie Le Pen

- Jacques Chirac (Rassemblement pour la République) : 82,21 %

- Jean-Marie Le Pen (Front national) : 17,79 %

Abstention : 20,29 %

► Résultats présidentielle 2007

En 2007, lors du premier tour pour lequel 16,23 % des électeurs s’abstiennent, les Français renouent avec un duel traditionnel gauche-droite : l’ex-ministre de l’intérieur Nicolas Sarkozy et la socialiste Ségolène Royal, qui figurent parmi les 12 candidats sur la ligne de départ, obtiennent facilement une position de finaliste, malgré le bon score du centriste François Bayrou (18,57 %).

→ À LIRE. Présidentielle 2007 : les résultats du premier et du second tour

- Nicolas Sarkozy (Union pour un mouvement populaire) : 53,06 %

- Ségolène Royal (Parti socialiste) : 46,94 %

Abstention : 16,03 %

► Résultats présidentielle 2012

Au premier tour de l’élection présidentielle, le 22 avril 2012, dix candidats sont sur la ligne de départ. Le président sortant Nicolas Sarkozy obtient 27,18 % au premier tour, devancé par François Hollande (28,63 %), sorti vainqueur de la primaire socialiste. Marine Le Pen termine en troisième position, en marquant un nouveau record de suffrages exprimés pour le Front national (17,90 %) au cours d’un scrutin présidentiel. Un électeur sur cinq (20,52 %) s’est abstenu.

- François Hollande (Parti socialiste) : 52,64 %

- Nicolas Sarkozy (Union pour un mouvement populaire) : 47,36 %

Abstention : 19,65 %

► Résultats présidentielle 2017

Marquée par une série de rebondissements, l’élection présidentielle de 2017 a offert parmi ses onze candidats un duel inédit au second tour, entre Emmanuel Macron (24,01 %), ancien ministre de l’économie qui a créé son propre mouvement, et Marine Le Pen (21,30 %), présidente du Front national. Les résultats sont pourtant serrés, François Fillon (20,01 %) et Jean-Luc Mélenchon (19,58 %) échouant de peu à se qualifier, avec une abstention située à 22,23 %.

→ À LIRE. Résultats Présidentielle 2017 : Emmanuel Macron élu avec 66,10 % des voix

- Emmanuel Macron (En marche) : 66,10 %

- Marine Le Pen (Front national) : 33,90 %

Abstention : 25,44 %

→ RETROUVEZ dès leur publication officielle les résultats de l’élection présidentielle de 2022 ville par ville

avec notamment :

Résultats présidentielle Paris 2022

Résultats présidentielle Marseille 2022

Résultats présidentielle Lyon 2022

Résultats présidentielle Toulouse 2022

Résultats présidentielle Nice 2022

Résultats présidentielle Nantes 2022

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Présidentielle 1981 Un modèle prédictif.

Cette élection est terminée ! Retrouvez ci-dessous les résultats officiels :

Présidentielle 1981 — résultats officiels.

Le reste de la page présente les résultats du modèle tel qu'il aurait prédit l'élection, avec les sondages disponibles pendant la campagne.

Prédictions

Résumé des prédictions finales du modèle, à la veille du premier tour :

Valéry Giscard d'Estaing est à peine favori (1 chance sur 2), suivi de François Mitterrand (1 chance sur 3), Georges Marchais (1 chance sur 10) et Jacques Chirac (1 chance sur 20).

Résumé des prédictions finales du modèle, à la veille du second tour :

Au deuxième tour, François Mitterrand est légèrement favori (4 chances sur 5), face à Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (1 chance sur 5).

Résumé des probabilités individuelles :

Présidentielle 1981 — probabilités.

Évolution des prédictions du modèle dans le temps :

Probabilité de gagner l’élection, tout compris. Pour chaque candidat‧e, ses chances de remporter l'élection présidentielle dépendent de ses chances au premier tour, puis aux seconds. La probabilité totale de victoire, c'est la probabilité de passer au second tour puis de le gagner.

La probabilité de passer au second tour, c’est la probabilité d’arriver premier ou deuxième au premier. Pour être précis, il faut aussi soustraire la probabilité que le second tour n’ait pas lieu si un candidat dépasse 50% de votes exprimés au premier tour, mais en pratique cette probabilité est toujours zéro.

Après avoir agrégé tous les sondages disponibles, et pris en compte leurs erreurs historiques, on peut prédire le résultat « moyen » du 1er tour et sa marge d’erreur. Précisément ici, on trace les médianes marginales de la distribution a posteriori du premier tour, et l'intervalle de crédibilité bayésien à 60%.

Tableau des seconds tours possibles :

Tableau des évènements possibles au premier tour :

Simulations MCMC :

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République Française

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Élection présidentielle 1981 - Résultats par département

Description.

Résultats par département du premier tour de l'élection présidentielle française de 1981

Laurent de Boissieu

This dataset has been published on the initiative and under the responsibility of Laurent de Boissieu Published on August 21, 2016 and updated on August 22, 2016

Latest update

August 21, 2016

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2 main files, france-politique.fr_presidentielle_1981.csv.

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• election-presidentielle
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Election présidentielle 1981 : annonce résultat Mitterrand élu

Jean-Pierre ELKABBACH et Etienne MOUGEOTTE annoncent en direct le résultat du second tour de l'élection présidentielle 1981 : portrait électronique affichant le visage de François MITTERRAND, élu Président de la République.

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Speech Delivered by Comrade J. Stalin at a Meeting of Voters of the Stalin Electoral Area, Moscow

Date: December 11, 1937 Source: Pamphlet; Published by Co-Operative Publishing Society of Foreign Workers in the USSR, Moscow 1937 Transcription: Mike B. for MIA, June 2007 Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2005). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.

Chairman: [B] Comrade Stalin, our candidate, has the floor.

(Comrade Stalin's appearance in the rostrum is greeted by a stormy ovation lasting several minutes. The whole audience rises to greet Comrade Stalin. Constant cries from the audience: "Hurrah for the great Stalin!" "Hurrah for Comrade Stalin, the author of the Soviet Constitution, the most democratic in the world!" "Hurrah for Comrade Stalin, the leader of the oppressed all over the world!")

Stalin: Comrades, to tell you the truth, I had no intention of making a speech. But our respected Nikita Sergeyevich [Khrushchov] [C] dragged me, so to speak, to this meeting. "Make a good speech," he said. What shall I talk about, exactly what sort of speech? Everything that had to be said before the elections has already been said and said again in the speeches of our leading comrades, Kalinin, Molotov, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Yezhov and many other responsible comrades. What can be added to these speeches?

What is needed, they say, are explanations of certain questions connected with the election campaign. What explanations, on what questions? Everything that had to be explained has been explained and explained again in the well- known appeals of the Bolshevik Party, the Young Communist League, the All-Union Central Trade Union Council, the Osoaviakhim D. and the Committee of Physical Culture. What can be added to these explanations?

Of course, one could make a light sort of speech about everything and nothing. (Amusement.) Perhaps such a speech would amuse the audience. They say that there are some great hands at such speeches not only over there, in the capitalist countries, but here too, in the Soviet country. (Laughter and applause.) But, firstly, I am no great hand at such speeches. Secondly, is it worth while indulging in amusing things just now when all of us Bolsheviks are, as they say, "up to our necks" in work? I think not.

Clearly, you cannot make a good speech under such circumstances.

However, since I have taken the floor, I will have, of course, to say at least something one way or another. (Loud applause.)

First of all, I would like to express my thanks (applause) to the electors for the confidence they have shown in me. (Applause.)

I have been nominated as candidate, and the Election Commission of the Stalin Area of the Soviet capital has registered my candidature. This, comrades, is an expression of great confidence. Permit me to convey my profound Bolshevik gratitude for this confidence that you have shown in the Bolshevik Party of which I am a member, and in me personally as a representative of that Party. (Loud applause.)

I know what confidence means. It naturally lays upon me new and additional duties and, consequently, new and additional responsibilities. Well, it is not customary among us Bolsheviks to refuse responsibilities. I accept them willingly. (Loud and prolonged applause.)

For my part, I would like to assure you, comrades, that you may safely rely on Comrade Stalin. (Loud and sustained cheers. A voice: "And we all stand for Comrade Stalin!") You may take it for granted that Comrade Stalin will be able to discharge his duty to the people (applause), to the working class (applause), to the peasantry (applause) and to the intelligentsia. (Applause.)

Further, comrades, I would like to congratulate you on the occasion of the forthcoming national holiday, the day of the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union. (Loud applause.) The forthcoming elections are not merely elections, comrades, they are really a national holiday of our workers, our peasants and our intelligentsia. (Loud applause.) Never in the history 0f the world have there been such really free and really democratic elections—never! History knows no other example like it. (Applause.) The point is not that our elections will be universal, equal, secret and direct, although that fact in itself is of great importance. The point is that our universal elections will be carried out as the freest elections and the most democratic of any country in the world.

Universal elections exist and are held in some capitalist countries, too, so-called democratic countries. But in what atmosphere are elections held there? In an atmosphere 0f class conflicts, in an atmosphere of class enmity, in an atmosphere of pressure brought to bear on the electors by the capitalists, landlords, bankers and other capitalist sharks. Such elections, even if they are universal, equal, secret and direct, cannot be called altogether free and altogether democratic elections.

Here, in our country, on the contrary, elections are held in an entirely different atmosphere. Here there are no capitalists and no landlords and, consequently, no pressure is exerted by propertied classes on non-propertied classes. Here elections are held in an atmosphere of collaboration between the workers, the peasants and the intelligentsia, in an atmosphere of mutual confidence between them, in an atmosphere, I would say, of mutual friendship; because there are no capitalists in our country, no landlords, no exploitation and nobody, in fact, to bring pressure to bear on people in order to distort their will.

That is why our elections are the only really free and really democratic elections in the whole world. (Loud applause.)

Such free and really democratic elections could arise only on the basis of the triumph of the socialist system, only on the basis of the fact that in our country socialism is not merely being built, but has already become part of life, of the daily life of the people. Some ten years ago the question might still be debated whether socialism could be built in our country or not. Today this is no longer a debatable question. Today it is a matter of facts, a matter of real life, a matter of habits that permeate the whole life of the people. Our mills and factories are being run without capitalists. The work is directed by men and women of the people. That is what we call socialism in practice. In our fields the tillers of the land work without landlords and without kulaks. The work is directed by men and women of the people. That is what we call socialism in daily life, that is what we call a free, socialist life.

It is on this basis that our new, really free and really democratic elections have arisen, elections which have no precedent in the history of mankind.

How then, after this, can one refrain from congratulating you on the occasion of the day of national celebration, the day of the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union! (Loud, general cheers.)

Further, comrades, I would like to give you some advice, the advice of a candidate to his electors. If you take capitalist countries you will find that peculiar, I would say, rather strange relations exist there between deputies and voters. As long as the elections are in progress, the deputies flirt with the electors, fawn on them, swear fidelity and make heaps of promises of every kind. It would appear that the deputies are completely dependent on the electors. As soon as the elections are over, and the candidates have become deputies, relations undergo a radical change. Instead of the deputies being dependent on the electors, they become entirely independent. For four or five years, that is, until the next elections, the deputy feels quite free, independent of the people, of his electors. He may pass from one camp to another, he may turn from the right road to the wrong road, he may even become entangled in machinations of a not altogether desirable character, he may turn as many somersaults as he likes—he is independent.

Can such relations be regarded as normal? By no means, comrades. This circumstance was taken into consideration by our Constitution and it made it a law that electors have the right to recall their deputies before the expiration of their term of office if they begin to play monkey tricks, if they turn off the road, or if they forget that they are dependent on the people, on the electors.

This is a wonderful law, comrades. A deputy should know that he is the servant of the people, their emissary in the Supreme Soviet, and he must follow the line laid down in the mandate given him by the people. If he turns off the road, the electors. are entitled to demand new elections, and as to the deputy who turned off the road, they have the right to blackball him. (Laughter and applause.) This is a wonderful law. My advice, the advice of a candidate to his electors, is that they remember this electors' right, the right to recall deputies before the expiration of their term of office, that they keep an eye on their deputies, control them and, if they should take it into their heads to turn off the right road, get rid of them and demand new elections. The government is obliged to appoint new elections. My advice is to remember this law and to take advantage of it should need arise.

And, lastly, one more piece of advice from a candidate to his electors. What in general must one demand of one's deputies, selecting from all possible demands the most elementary?

The electors, the people, must demand that their deputies should remain equal to their tasks, that in their work they should not sink to the level of political philistines, that in their posts they should remain political figures of the Lenin type, that as public figures they should be as clear and definite as Lenin was (applause), that they should be as fearless in battle and as merciless towards the enemies of the people as Lenin was (applause), that they should be free from all panic, from any semblance of panic, when things begin to get complicated and some danger or other looms on the horizon, that they should be as free from all semblance of panic as Lenin was (applause), that they should be as wise and deliberate in deciding complex problems requiring a comprehensive orientation and a comprehensive weighing of all pros and cons as Lenin was (applause), that they should be as upright and honest as Lenin was (applause), that they should love their people as Lenin did. (Applause.)

Can we say that all the candidates are public figures precisely of this kind? I would not say so. There are all sorts of people in the world, there are all sorts of public figures in the world. There are people of whom you cannot say what they are, whether they are good or bad, courageous or timid, for the people heart and soul or for the enemies of the people. There are such people and there are such public figures. They are also to be found among us, the Bolsheviks. You know yourselves, comrades—there are black sheep in every family. (Laughter and applause.) Of people of this indefinite type, people who resemble political philistines rather than political figures, people of this vague, amorphous type, the great Russian writer, Gogol, rather aptly said: "Vague sort of people, says he, neither one thing nor the other, you can't make head or tail of them, they are neither Bogdan in town nor Seliphan in the country." (Laughter and applause.) There are also some rather apt popular sayings about such indefinite people and public figures: "A middling sort of man—neither fish nor flesh" (general laughter and applause), "neither a candle for god nor a poker for the devil." (General laughter and applause.)

I cannot say with absolute certainty that among the candidates (I beg their pardon, of course) and among our public figures there are not people who more than anything resemble political philistines, who in character and make-up resemble people of the type referred to in the popular saying: "Neither a candle for god nor a poker for the devil." (Laughter and applause.)

I would like you, comrades, to exercise systematic influence on your deputies, to impress upon them that they must constantly keep before them the great image of the great Lenin and imitate Lenin in all things. (Applause.)

The functions of the electors do not end with the elections. They continue during the whole term of the given Supreme Soviet. I have already mentioned the law which empowers the electors to recall their deputies before the expiration of their term of office if they should turn off the right road. Hence it is the duty and right of the electors to keep their deputies constantly under their control and to impress upon them that they must under no circumstances sink to the level of political philistines, impress upon their deputies that they must be like the great Lenin. (Applause.)

Such, comrades, is my second piece of advice to you, the advice of a candidate to his electors. (Loud and sustained applause and cheers. All rise and turn towards the government box, to which Comrade Stalin proceeds from the platform. Voices: "Hurrah for the great Stalin!" "Hurrah for Comrade Stalin!" "Long live Comrade Stalin!" "Long live the first of the Leninists, candidate for the Soviet of the Union, Comrade Stalin!")

Notes for MIA Edition

A.   Bolshoi Theater, Moscow.

B.   Chairman N.S. Khrushchev.

C.   "Khrushchov" refers to N.S. Khrushchev. The "Khrushchov" spelling was used in the Co-Operative Publishing Society's publication and has been retained in this version to maintain consistency with the source document.

D.   Soviet Civil Defense.

J. V. Stalin Archive

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MOSCOW STARTS TO TURN ITS ATTENTION TO REAGAN'S POLICIES AND ASSOCIATES

By R. W. Apple Jr.

• Jan. 19, 1981

The Soviet Union is gradually beginning to criticize the policies and associates of President-elect Ronald Reagan as Inauguration Day approaches.

During the election campaign Soviet commentators and officials regularly denounced Mr. Reagan as a warmonger, but after his victory in November the press and broadcasters fell silent on the subject. Now they are being heard again.

At the moment President Carter and his advisers remain the prime target. Yuri Zhukov, the main political analyst of Pravda, denounced Zbigniew Brzezinski, Mr. Carter's national security adviser, asserting that ''the crushing failure'' of the President stemmed from the "gambles and malicious actions" of Mr. Brzezinski.

It is becoming clear to Westerners who closely follow the controlled press that while the Kremlin is still inclined to avoid denouncing Mr. Reagan personally and eager to keep its options open, it is not pleased by what it has seen so far of the shape of the next administration. Senior Officials Still Silent

No senior Soviet leader has said anything more substantive in public than the comment two months ago by Leonid I. Brezhnev. The Communist Party leader said that ''any constructive steps by the United States administration in the sphere of Soviet-American relations and pressing world problems will meet with a positive reaction on our part.'' Late in November Georgi A. Arbatov, the leading Soviet expert on American affairs, said on television that ''there is some uncertainty about the policies that the Reagan administration will pursue.'' As Mr. Reagan chose his Cabinet, several commentators suggested that it constituted ''impressive evidence,'' as one of them put it, of a move to the center.

Starting about the first of the year, a subtle change in tone took place. On Jan. 4 Krasnaya Zvezda, the newspaper of the armed forces, asserted that ''the Carter Administration is now trying to shift its grim heritage onto the shoulders of the incoming Republican administration,'' and the Moscow radio declared that ''the Carter Administration seems intent on creating the worst possible SovietAmerican relations for the new administration to inherit.''

Next came a series of low-key criticisms of associates of Mr. Reagan in the field of foreign affairs, starting with former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger. During his trip to the Middle East, Pravda said that it demonstrated the new administration's ''hegemonistic plans'' in that region. Arms Buildup and Camp David

Caspar W. Weinberger, the incoming Secretary of Defense, was criticized by Tass, the official press agency, for his advocacy of an American arms buildup. It asserted that comments by Richard V. Allen, the next national security adviser, suggested that Mr. Reagan intended to ''persist in pursuing'' what it called the discredited Camp David agreements on the Middle East.

In recent days Mr. Reagan's advisers have been criticized much more sharply. A weekly on international affairs, Za Rubezhom, reprinted unflattering portraits of the Reagan nominees from the American Communist Party newspaper, The Daily World. Then on Tuesday Pravda offered its harshest comment to date.

An article headed ''A Week Before the Parade'' and signed by Nikolai Kurdyumov, pictured Mr. Weinberger, William J. Casey, incoming Director of Central Intelligence, and Alexander M. Haig Jr., Secretary of State-designate, as ''supporters of an escalation of military preparations.''

''Casey takes over the 'cloak and dagger' agency,'' the article went on, ''accompanied by a choir that openly and loudly champions an expansion of subversive actions of American intelligence abroad.'' 'An Undisguised Summons'

Mr. Haig's recent statements, Mr. Kurdyumov wrote, constitute ''an undisguised summons to impose the will of the United States on the world.'' Then he pointedly quoted Mr. Allen as saying that Mr. Haig's ''strategic views coincide with those of Reagan.''

''Many representatives of American public opinion see in the appointment of the former military man to the leading foreign policy post in the country a symbol of the danger of further intensification of militarism,'' the article added.

A History of The Actors Studio

Written by Andreas Manolikakis

The Actors Studio was founded in New York by Elia Kazan, Cheryl Crawford and Robert Lewis in 1947. For seven decades it has been devoted to the service and development of theatre artists –actors, directors and playwrights. To our members, who are primarily actors, The Actors Studio offers free lifetime membership, with no fee or tuition required, which entitles them to a unique opportunity to explore and improve their craft in a safe, laboratory environment with colleagues with whom they share the same process of work.

The roots of The Actors Studio go back to the Group Theatre (1931-1941) whose work was inspired by the discoveries of the great Russian actor and director Konstantin Stanislavski and his best student Eugene Vakhtangov as revealed in the legendary productions that the Moscow Art Theatre toured in America in 1923. In fact Stanislavski’s dedication to his book, ‘My Life in Art,’ (1924) reads: “I DEDICATE THIS BOOK IN GRATITUDE TO HOSPITABLE AMERICA AS A TOKEN AND A REMEMBRANCE FROM THE MOSCOW ART THEATRE WHICH SHE TOOK SO KINDLY TO HER HEART.”

When the Moscow Art Theatre ended its American tour, several members of the theatre stayed behind and trained artists, including Lee Strasberg, Harold Clurman and Stella Adler, who would go on to form the Group Theatre along with other artists such as Elia Kazan, Sanford Meisner and Robert Lewis. These artists studied, explored, developed and improved the work of the Russian masters with extraordinary results that were unique in the history of the American theatre and a new kind of acting was born.

After the Group Theatre closed, in 1941, many of its members went their separate ways. Elia Kazan has stated that one of the principal reasons he created The Actors Studio, in 1947, was in order to preserve and develop this new American acting. He wanted to create a not-for-profit organization that would provide a laboratory, a private workshop in which the professional actor could work on his or her craft, far away from the commercial pressures of casting, rehearsal and performance. It was to be a place that would offer its member-artists an ongoing training, a continuity of work and the feeling of an artistic home like they had at the Group Theatre.

At the Studio, it was eventually decided that membership should be achieved through an audition process of preliminary and then final auditions where the only requirements are talent and the possibility of improvement.

In 1948, Lee Strasberg was asked by Elia Kazan to join the Studio as one of its teachers and in 1951 he became its Artistic Director, a position he maintained until his death in 1982. Strasberg’s deep understanding of the Stanislavski System and the reformulations of Vakhtangov, together with his own personal discoveries and improvements on the acting process, provided the foundation on which The Actors Studio based its work.

At the same time, the work of Elia Kazan as a theatre and film director demonstrated in the most powerful way the extraordinary results of the deep and personal process of acting espoused by The Actors Studio.

For seven decades, the very existence of The Actors Studio, the principles and values that it represents, the methodology of its work process, its consistency and long life have established the Studio as a unique theatre organization and a guiding light for actors, directors and playwrights around the world. For many it is considered the temple of the acting process.

Today the work that is done at The Actors Studio continues the Stanislavski-Vakhtangov-American approach, and most of the leading members of the Studio today have studied with more than one of these great American teachers: Lee Strasberg, Harold Clurman, Elia Kazan, Stella Adler, Sanford Meisner and Robert Lewis.

Currently, Ellen Burstyn, Alec Baldwin and Al Pacino serve as co-Presidents of the Studio. Beau Gravitte serves as Artistic Director in New York and Salome Jens and Lou Antonio serve as interim co-Associate Artistic Directors in West Hollywood at our Actors Studio West branch, which opened in 1966. The Actors Studio is governed by a Board of Directors comprised of members from both coasts.

After 70 years, The Actors Studio continues to thrive because it is needed. Goethe has said that, “The actor’s career develops in public, but his art develops in private.” The Studio provides its members with this special kind of privacy, along with a group of colleagues who share the same passion for what Studio members refer to as “The Work.”

In spite of the presence of The Actors Studio over many years and its extensive influence in America and worldwide, there still persist many misunderstandings of the Studio, its mentors, its philosophy and its process. These errors most often arise from discussions by some academics, theoreticians, historians and even by some theatre professionals who attempt to analyze and interpret a process of work that they have never learned through serious practice. The work of Stanislavski, Vakhtangov and The Actors Studio was arrived at through deep and lengthy practical experiments that elude rational analysis by non-practitioners.

In 1994 The Actors Studio entered a major new phase with the creation of The Actors Studio Drama School MFA (Master of Fine Arts) Program in acting, directing and playwriting, in order to bring the Studio’s method into a university setting. In September 2006, the Actors Studio Drama School moved to Pace University in downtown New York City, which also is the home of one of the program’s most visible teaching platforms, INSIDE THE ACTORS STUDIO, hosted by James Lipton.

Andreas Manolikakis is a Board Member of The Actors Studio and Chair of The Actors Studio Drama School at Pace University in New York City.

2018 Primetime Emmy & James Beard Award Winner

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